LIBRARY OF GEOSTRATEGIC.
A glance on the last successful works.
"Great international questions since the fall of the wall of Berlin",*
of Thierry Garcin.
In this textbook, therefore the reading is quickly recommended to whoever wish to understand contemporary events, Thierry Garcin, teacher in the Institute of Political Studies of Paris and HEC, then in the Centre of Diplomatic and strategic Studies, as well as in the University pole Léonard de Vinci, described and comments on the major evolutions of contemporary international relations. As in the excellent geopolitical broadcast "international stakes", that he produces on Radio France for several years, Thierry Garcin puts in perspective, in his last book, the key files of foreign policy, and gets "effects of magnifying glass" in every treated domains, directly useful by the student or the neophyte.
Seven large parts and numerous subdivisions allow a convenient use of the work. Every essential subject is accompanied with recent bibliographical references. More than twenty central questions, about fifty press boxes on particular aspects and around thirty original cards facilitate also sequential reading.
In the first part of this remarkable work of the real sum of International Relations, Thierry Garcin studies, first of all, the international turnovers arisen between 1989 and 1991, following the fall of the wall of Berlin. Fall of communist regimes in the East, unification of Germany, death of the ex-USSR and conflicts of the Golf war are put in perspective.
In a second part, the author analyses one of the major alterations of international chessboard after cold war : the unpublished status of the United States as unique Superpower. In the big tradition of the classic strategic analysis, Garcin describes the traditional foundations of the Power, then analyses the originality of the superpower of United States notably through the two mandates of the democratic ex-president Bill Clinton, marked by an unprecedented interventionism.
In a third part, Thierry Garcin shows with good reason that the era of the brotherhood and the end of the History proclaimed by Francis Fukuyama did not arise, and that numerous factors of destabilization persist, even appear : reproduction of identital conflicts, religious demands, migrations and movements of population.
Having examined the various attempts of regional reorganization, through the cases of the European construction and the process of peace in Middle East, the author approaches the crucial subject of the defence on international balance of power.
Specialist of the questions of defence and nuclear questions (the author is one of the followers of the general Pierre-Marie Gallois, and is the former listener of the Institute of High Studies of National defence). Thierry Garcin analyses the consequences of the end of the East-west reports, the action and the future of the Grand Occidental organizations of defence (NATO, OSCE, etc.), as well as the reproduction of outside interventions.
Finally, having dedicated the sixth part of its impressive volume to the role of the international organizations, notably the weaknesses of United Nations and the role of the regional organizations, Thierry Garcin succeeds in maintaining the reader in breath until the back page by reserving seventh part for the subject more current than ever : the balkanisation versus globalisation. Moreover, it is not the least merits of the author.
Moderate, objective and fed by an almost unlimited encyclopaedic knowledge, "Great International Questions since the fall of the Wall of Berlin" has the merit not to reproduce common ideas on the happy globalisation. Without giving in neither to the excessive pessimism and or to deny the process of globalisation which he notes and underlines the positive aspects, Garcin studies in conclusion the political consequences of the balkanisation which he puts in parallel with those of the globalisation, not always synonym of peace and stability.
* Thierry Garcin, "Great international questions", 198 F, published by Economica. (49, street Héricart, 75015 Paris, www.economica.fr).
"NATO attacks : the new strategic order",*
of Bernard Wicht.
Member of the historic Service of the Swiss army, Bernard Wicht is, with Jean-Jacques Langendorf, who moreover introduced his last work, one of the leaders of the Swiss strategic thought. He has already published "The idea of militia and the Swiss model in the thought of Machiavelli" as well as "The art of the war in the 21-th century".
In "NATO attacks : the new strategic order", seemed just after "Operation Allied Force in Kosovo", Bernard Wicht tries to explain which are the real reasons of operations led by NATO to Kosovo during the spring, 1999. The american and european leaders, relieved by media, asserted that they had the other ambition no more than to restore peace and human rights, and to fly to aid a population in danger.
Bernard Wicht demonstrates in his brilliant attempt that these pickets' arguments hide the other strategic motivations recovering from the military logic and from the political strategy rather than from the cleanly humanitarian will. The study leans on the history of military revolutions in West and on the analysis of relations between power and violence. In this perspective, it seems that the war of the NATO was scheduled, under especially the impulse of the United States, and that it joins within the framework of a radical transformation of our political systems.
With rigour and objectivity, Bernard Wicht seizes the occasion of the operations of NATO against the Federal Republic of Yugoslavia as catalyst for a geostrategic reflection widened on war and the international relations at the end of the 20-th century. He describes at first (chapter 1) the international dimension of the conflict and its consequences for the forming of contemporary Europe by putting in evidence the deep motivations which led to the intervention of the Atlantic Alliance ; the transformation of NATO is real philosophy of the air power play in this respect a key role.
The author approaches then (Chapter 2) a purely military dimension of the air power with the confirmation of this new operational art based on the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA) and the theories of the american strategist John Warden. He exposes the political consequences of it for societies and presents, besides, in the detail, the used weapons as well as the parades implemented by defender.
In the light of this double analysis of the first two chapters, it is all the geopolitical card of Europe of the post-cold war years which gets clearer : politico-cultural blocks in presence, reorganisation of States and sovereign powers, structure and mode of development of conflicts, etc. In support of the conclusions, the author resorts as well to the process of forming modern State in Europe as to the vision of the History of the great American specialists of this decade (from Francis Fukuyama to Samuel Huntington).
Consequently, from the study of the intervention of the NATO, Bernard Wicht raises a complete geostrategic panorama of the Occidental world at the beginning of the third millennium.
* Bernard Wicht, "NATO attacks", Georg, Lausanne, 2000, 98 F.
"Papers of war",*
of Pierre-Marie Gallois.*
The studies which one is going maybe to read were drafted between two victories, one dedicating the defeat of Germany, the other one the one of Japan, and also after Hiroshima, at the dawn of the nuclear era. They form two very different sets : a treating of turnovers consecutive to the post-war years, the other one analysing a night-assault against Third Reich, offensive strategy of Royal Air Forces and the stratagems of the defence used by Luftwaffe in desperate. In fact two evocations of the reality, trying hard to expose ideas, the other one describing a gigantic machine of war in action. Texts forming the first part of this opuscule were published by the monthly magazine "Free France" of which André Labarthe was the director and Raymond Aaron the secretary of the editorial staff. For the temporary exiles that we were, this review was a link with the homeland occupied by the enemy. In the contents appeared many prestigious names : Bernanos, Roger Caillois, Albert Cohen, Aragon, Edmond Robles, Paul Eluard, Marcel Arland ; and we thought, Jules Roy and I, what it was a rare privilege to be published there. Articles, which appear in the following pages, had been preceded by many other, published without signature by spare obligation. On the other hand, in spring, 1945, allocated to Etat-major of the Free French Air forces, I obtained from the colonel Coustey, the leader of Etat-major, the permission to sign my papers. That is why they are collected here only texts posterior to the end of hostilities in Europe. One of them, not signed to avoid two same signatures in a single number of the review, of September 15, 1945, comments On Hiroshima and On Nagasaki (in August, 1945). The second part of this small work describes a night of strategic bombardments on Germany.
* Pierre-Marie Gallois, "Papers of war", L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne, 152 pages.
* General of the Air Force (CR), French initiator of the French nuclear deterrent force, famous for his strategic studies, Pierre-Marie Gallois is notably the author of a reference treaty on Geopolitics, republished at L'Age d'Homme in 2000. Of the same author, L'Age d'Homme also published several attempts : "Allah's sun blinds on the West", "The Blood of the Petroleum" (t. I Irak, t. II Bosnia), "Does France go out of the history ? ", as well as a book of memories, "The Egg timer of century".
of Pierre-Marie Gallois.
Sometimes in our confusion, there are meetings of people outside the common. They are witnesses who, by their example, incite us to listen at first, and push ourselves to think. General Gallois is one of these rare people. In the first place, great curiosity comes along, whatever is the domain approached (aviation, painting, geopolitics, press), of work and method. The particular disposal for the education gives him a force of exceptional conviction : one thinks of the historic meetings where he convinced, in difficult contexts, Guy Mollet then De Gaulle, of the necessity of endowing France of an independent nuclear armament. These qualities lean on a temperament fundamentally realistic. Romantic enjoyment for lost causes is stranger to him. General Gallois is a man of fight. The reflection bases itself on the observation of facts, where from its taste for the History and the place, which it gives to the past in the explanation of contemporary phenomena. A second characteristic shows through : the sense of the service. General Gallois knew how to inspire confidence in several great people of this second half of 20-th century : Montgomery, De Gaulle, Norstad, Dassault were seduced by a character which mixes harmoniously competence, loyalty, and temperament. The level head rests on a strong conviction, which allows him to remain courteous, and closes in front of opponents. General Gallois had entitled series of conversations, which we had recorded : "In the shade of the great people". He liked working with the great personalities whom he admired, and of whom he was the councillor. Finally, the line of force, which sub-aims this too long life, does he say sometimes, because he attends the decline of the country, it is the love of France. It is for this rare man, who is not a politician, who we asked some key questions at our disturbed time, which he answered in eight attempts of geopolitics, without concession or simplification, real indictment which calls the reader to think.
* Pierre-Marie Gallois, "Indictment", L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne, 2001, 192 pages.
of Eric Werner.*
In "Pre-civil war years", the previous work appeared in 1998, Eric Werner described ambiguous relations, which were established gradually, these last decades, between power and disorder. He resumes here this same subject enriching of new considerations. The present work collects certain number of studies, certain new, the others having already been the object of a first publication, but resumed and re-worked quite centred on the question of the current evolution of the Occidental regime and its deep nature. Leaning on main elements of the totalitarian theory, such as it was formulated ; there is about fifty years, by Hannah Arendt and the others. Eric Werner observes that number of these elements is today directly applicable to the Occidental regime. He underlines besides correlation between the current decline of the democracy and that of States of Nation. Modern democracy appeared in Europe at the time even where States of Nation began to take shape, anything of amazing from then on in what the end of States of Nation coincides with that of the democracy. Another type of regime substituted today itself for the democracy, maybe better adapted to the requirements of a society that one could consider burst. Transition was made moreover gently, without excessive clashes, due to indefatigable work of explanation, aiming at the collective anaesthesia, leaders and their communicators. Result of this pedagogy : today, beyond the problems of comfort and survival every day, nobody worries anymore of anything. The reflection of the author goes on at the end of volume by three studies respectively dedicated to Proust and Ernst Jünger, through whom he tries to draw some practical ways of resistance.
* Eric Werner, "After democracy", L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne, 2001, 160 pages.
* Eric Werner is a diplomat of the Institute of political studies of Paris and a doctor "ès Lettres". He has already published, at L'Age d'Homme, "Mystic and Political" (1978), "Of the intellectual and moral Misery in French speaking Swiss" (1981, with Jan Marejko), "The system of treason" (1986), "Montaigne strategist" ( 1996 ) and "Pre-civil war years" (1998).
"Pre- civil war years",*
of Eric Werner.
Order comes undone, so makes in the measure where it frays, cracks, leaves in dusts. One joins here the theory of the invisible hand, expensive to the historic liberalism, without the hand has here nothing of invisible, it is on the contrary one can not be so more visible. Better still, it does not make anything to hide. Power encourages disorder, even subsidies it, but does not subsidise it for itself, does not subsidise it for the order of which it is the foundation, to the preservation of which it contributes. Order by the disorder, here is the formula. Political disorder, but therefore moral, social, cultural (because everything holds in the subject). As much as possible, power is used to blur cards, to deprive the individuals of their usual marks. Objective is to destabilise them, to make them stranger to their own environment. Reality avoids them, their senses are anaesthetised. They ignore where they come from and where they go, do not even very often know about what one speaks. Sometimes also it is revolt, vandals enter scene. However, even there, what to make for it ? In addition, this security obsession ! The same movement pulls everything, only power escapes from universal dissolution. The individual clings to him as to a supernatural buoy. It is the only appeal, the unique fixed point still appearing in the storm.
* Eric Werner, "Pre-civil war years", L'Age d'Homme, Lausanne, 2000.
"Europe of Gibraltar in Vladivostok",*
of Frank de la Rivière.
After the communism and Nazism, "politically correctness" is the third big imposture of 20-th century. These three ideologies rest on unique thoughts and the elimination of any divergent thought. Communism and Nazism practised the physical liquidation of their adversaries. "Politically correctness" is more insidious. The consequences show themselves so fatal in the third world (developing countries count 80 % of the population of the globe), in the countries of former Soviet Union and begin to destabilise Europe. These three ideologies are the same strictly natural : their purposes justify means. Communism had to bring happiness to quite complete humanity. "Politically correctness" has the same claim. Nazism was more selective and aimed at the only happiness of the Aryan race. But the politically correctness, in fact, is still more restrictive than Nazism, because it rests on the imposture of a deceitful democracy, where the strongest make law, where powerful financiers and media in their boots dull, anaesthetise and enslave their peoples and try to impose their vision all over the world. The imposture of the politically correctness, which is not at all a preliminary in the economic development, is fainting. Significant fact, the pragmatic countries of emergent Asia are allergic to it. The revival of Europe supposes that she finds, or finds, the specific way. In every case of figures, politically correct and real democracy are incompatible. This short attempt, in an always-easy reading, is a caustic criticism of the politically correct, and a positive contribution for those that hear taking up composed challenge. The author calls up to the construction of Europe from Gibraltar to Vladivostok.
* Frank de la Rivière "Europe from Gibraltar to Vladivostok", L'Age d'Homme, 128 pages, Lausanne, 2001.
"The destruction of France",*
of Jean Claude Barreau.
The former President of the Office of International Migrations and INED, the councillor of the President François Mitterrand and Charles Pasqua, and author of several works having for backcloth integration and generally problems of immigration, Jean Claude Barreau delivers us at "Le pré aux Clercs" (2000), an attempt trying to raise a picture of the political-social and demographic situation of France. Without worrying of judgements, Barreau notices that, almost non-existent in metropolis including when France still possessed colonies, for the greater part Islamic non-European immigration became dominating these last decades. It is unmistakably about a new, unprecedented factor in the History of France. Among the 6 or 7 million immigrants and children of French naturalised immigrants, mainly stemming from Black Africa, from the Maghreb and from India which lists, the number of Moslems in France, French and confused foreigners, would amount to about 5 millions. The new characteristic of the recent immigration and the composition of the New Frenchmen freshly gallicised, would be therefore Islam. By adding to this factor, the africanisation, immigration being more and more from African origin, Jean Claude Barreau notices that France is increasingly a crossed nation. The former councillor of Mitterrand and Charles Pasqua explains that France does not succeed any more in controlling the migratory streams which continue : 120 000 new immigrants (regular and illegal merged) a year. Studying the phenomenon of the crime, when he was still young priest and when he took charge of young hooligans, Jean Claude Barreau notices that a real moral crisis and identical took place and transformed the data of problem of the crime, notably in the articulation with phenomenon of the immigration. The author regrets that the young delinquents of foreign origin, unlike their predecessors of thirty years ago, often foreign or son of foreigners also, do not feel any more French. For Barreau, the responsibility of this social and political fracture falls essentially to the ruling classes, which would have lost any national feeling themselves, and any republican and French pride. Why the young people "Blacks-Beurs" they would feel a feeling of pride which the French leaders have not any more the same, questions J. C. Barreau ? Interrogated on this subject, for him, the error of the French leaders is in fact to want to imitate the american model of integration communautarism. Barreau asserts that it is an error as far as the American communities are integrated by a violent patriotism who moderates in a sense the communautarism and who does not exist any more in France.
Concerning connections between the Islam, the integration and the crime, Jean Claude Barreau explains that Islam puts a specific problem with regard to the Modernity : separation of the temporal and the spiritual, do not existent in Islam ; disparity among people and women, etc. This religion possessing, besides, a strong tradition of conquest and being used to dominate. So, Islam rests according to the author, the specialist of the Islam, a problem which confucian asiatic, would not put, integration by the republican system agreeing better with the confucian tradition. However, J. C. Barreau underlines that the integration of the Moslem girls in the Republic is globally made of success and it is easier than the one of young Moslems, the girls receiving, in Islam, a particularly austere education which would favour, for Barreau, integration by the meritocracy, where from the best success of the Moslem girls in the University with regard to their brothers, noticed by the author. These last ones, in their society of origin, would directly pass from the gynaeceum to the patriarchies, the austere authority of the fathers balancing the laxness of the mothers. In France, on the other hand, the Moslem young men not crossing any more the overliberal gynaeceum in the patriarchal system, nothing would answer more their need of authority. However, Jean Claude Barreau clarifies that he refuses to reduce the problem of the integration to the Islam. For him, central problem it is the destruction of France. At the beginning of 20-th century, under various Jules (Jules Ferry, Jules Grévy, etc.), the new Moslem Frenchmen would not have been easily integrated into the french society, explains the former priest-worker. As Judaism or the Christian Churches, Islam would have perfectly been capable of becoming integrated, any religion being able to evolve, especially under the influence of balance of power and laic pressures of the republican State. By dissolving and by giving in to demands communautarism, the Republic would not have returned service to the Islam and to the Moslem Frenchmen, concludes the author, who is afraid that one opened Pandora's box in the sense of identity and the dissolution of the Republic. Barreau explains that the French Republic risks to collapse on itself, with the progressive disappearance of the State and the social justice. According to him, only a strong Nation can oblige the citizens the "middle-class persons" to make concessions. According to Mr Barreau, for example, one of the secrets of the economic and social success of Japan would lie in the fact that the rich classes had to buy first Japanese, for the good of the community. In clear terms, for Jean Claude Barreau, who uses a language at the same moment Marxist and national, cosmopolitanism would be at end of the social pact, the division of the cake being too much hurting for the poor men. Unlike what happens in France, Barreau explains that, from his part, the american ruling class agrees to grant to sacrifices, due to the patriotism, because patriotism is, according to the author, the only real counterweight in the cosmopolitanism of the bourgeois classes. That is why, according to him, social justice, so integration, is inevitably bound to the patriotism and to the public-spiritedness. For Jean Claude Barreau, marked by a strong republican orthodoxy and secularist, although being himself former priest, France was always integrationist, as Rome. For the author, Islam in France remains possible, but conditions are more than ever a strong Republic, which would cross a compromise with the Islam, as it crossed formerly compromises with the other religions.
Barreau explains as well as thorough problem remains the one of France. If this one remains in its social pact, in its not ethnic national pact, as well as in its democratic pact, statement expensive to the author, by not removing national sovereign power to the people, the integration of foreigners and neo-French from Moslem confession will be able to be made. However, central problem remains in the disappearance of the Nation. Barreau regrets the fact that internationalism gained all the spheres of the society : syndicates, education, media, etc. French and the History of France were practically abolished from school programs. Inviting the Frenchmen to read again Pierre André Taguieff, the author reminds that immigration can be only additional : it is the autochthonous child who has to integrate the non-native, minority child, and not opposite, otherwise things can become chaotic.
Eurosceptic as Charles Pasqua and Jean Pierre Chevènement whom he estimates and to whom he is also close, Barreau regrets that French national laws are henceforth conceived in Brussels by anonymous civil servants. The European army seems to him impossible. For him, Brussels, it is in fact the end of politics. Democracy was killed since the ruling of Nicolo, which makes that the international treaties are necessary in the previous national laws, what is purely inadmissible for Barreau. Democracy would be no more and no less by train to be gradually killed. Finally, Europe of Brussels can be analysed as a machine to destroy the Nation. A revitalising and fascinating attempt of which we recommend reading, although it is allowed not to share all the theses, often marked by a profound pessimism, and one prejudice for the sovereign power. However, an attempt that deserves to be greeted for the courage of its analyses and the plentiful documentation which sub-aims it.
Marc d' Anna.
* Jean Claude Barreau, "The destruction of France", Le Pré aux Clercs, 2000.
of Jean Paul Gourévitch.
International Expert and specialist of African questions, Jean Paul Gourévitch, who teaches at Paris XII University, who has already written in our columns (to see Geostrategic, N ° 2, "French politics in front of African challenges"), is the author of about forty works. He has just published in editions "Le Pré aux Clercs" an attempt, which knew a strong echo in France : "African France".
Having led for twenty years missions in all French-speaking Africa for the World Bank, the UNESCO and French Cooperation, Jean Paul Gourévitch delivers us here a study treating at the same moment international strategic questions bound to the African Continent and questions of politics and even internal geopolitics, immigration being one of adult problems of the Occidental European societies which it is advisable to approach without taboos and without forgeries - appearances, that is in a objective and taken the heat out of way, as well as fact Jean Paul Gourévitch, who is also an expert of the questions of political and educational communication.
In fact, African France is in some sorts the "volume III" of a series of three works dedicated to the subjects of Africa, immigration and integration.
The first of the series, entitled "From French Africa to African France. Inventory of fixtures", tries to demonstrate that African tragedy is the major challenge of 21-th century. According to Gourévitch, the countries of the "French square meadow" sank into the malnutrition, the epidemics and the corruption. The Africans rejects France, whereas the Americans eliminate it.
Africa which was populated with 273 million inhabitants at the time of independence shelters from it today 728 millions and will count 1 500 millions of it in 2025. How could she feed them ? In addition, how could welcome them to us, questions Jean Paul Gourévitch ? The mediatization of the illegal immigrants of St Bernard or the Rwandan refugees consolidates only the reducing speeches of the xenophobes or the "immigrationist", that the author sends back to back. Because according to Gourévitch, these accredit finally in the opinion the idea of a lost cause while Africa does not miss trump cards.
Inventory of fixtures without kindness and radical propositions that formulates Jean Paul Gourévitch on the re-set up of the aid, the moratorium of the debt, the control of the immigration or the re-orientation of solidarity's questions certain number of common ideas and can be sometime even disturbing. Nevertheless "it is rarely the patient who demands a treatment of shock", warns the author.
In "Immigration, legal fracture", second attempt of the set of three, Jean Paul Gourévitch asks the following question : what is today the exact situation of the immigration in France ? Between disconnected or contradictory official statistics and figures inflated by the fear or xenophobia, number of the immigrants, migrants, residents of foreign origin, entered legally or in illegally, rest vague, asserts the author.
Immigration became a taboo subject since this subject was got back politically and since it is approached only with left "immigrationnist", on one hand, and xenophobes, of the other one, than the author sends back once again back to back. For him, indeed, he does not make any doubt that the absence of debate leaves the free field with noises and with extremist theses.
Nevertheless, explains Gourévitch, the face of the immigration changed well since the 60s. "Immigrant-type" is not any more the Algerian worker but the malign illegal immigrant. So, one would be crossed by an immigration of work in a social immigration in a country which succeeds badly in administering the streams. In addition, one would announce for tomorrow virtual immigration.
In the social fracture which separates the provided outcasts would have come to add a legal fracture among those that live according to the laws of the Republic and those that, in all the levels, take advantage of the state of non-right. The conjunction of a not mastered immigration and this legal fracture would be, according to Gourévitch, particularly explosive, and urban violence would be it only form. The author explains finally that they are nevertheless revealing of the drift of a society in which "the State does not succeed any more in applying its laws" and assists, powerless, on the way up some informal economy.
This book proposes an objective state of places on the immigration in France, in which facts, figures and shooting of any edges are crossed in the revelation and lit by the history and the geography of the migratory streams.
Finally, in the last one of three works concerning immigration and Africa, title "African France", the author resumes at once the famous formula of the President François Mitterrand "France of 21-th century will be African". Prophetic words, comments on Gourévitch : today the group of the "black and beur" community would represent, according to him, 8 to 9 million persons. They were less 4 millions in 1975. They will be, because of the immigration and the distances from fertility, credibly more than 35 millions in the end of 21-th century, he asserts, at the end of a calculated demographic demonstration having for main thing deserve to introduce a real concerning debate calculate it not foreigners, but Frenchmen stemming from the African immigration or native of the Antilles as well as foreigners as such, field of study at present forbidden in France within administrations or public bodies which see there a danger of drift "ethnicism" instrumentalisable by political movements or xenophobic theses. For Gourévitch, it is exactly to avoid the "return of the repressed person" identical and within a better framework, taken the heat out analysis guaranteed against xenophobic or extreme reactions, that it would be advisable to multiply this type of studies on ethnic-religious previous history and immigration, proposition also supported by the demographer of the INED Michèle Tribalat.
Beyond the taboos of the dominant thought, exclusively "immigrationist", preventing consequently any objective debate, and the simplistic speeches of the xenophobes, Jean Paul Gourévitch's book puts diagnosis brave and extremely well informed on a society which, in its demographic composition, its geographic concentration, its economic processes, the cultural choices, will be profoundly and more and more africanised, this report being divested here of any position. Therefore, the author warns that mentalities should adapt themselves to new realities. In second half of 21-th century, based on the current evolution, he will be born every year in France more Blacks than Whites or "Frenchman of tree stump". Islam will have probably become the first religion of France. Informal economy will have infiltrated all the circuits of decision. As usually, Gourévitch keeps himself of any taken party. To the reader to pull its own conclusions of these precise and informed reports. A fascinating and fundamental study.
* Jean Paul Gourévitch, "African France", Le Prés aux Clercs, 2001, 130 F.
"The roots of the european identity",*
of Gérard François Dumont and alii.
With the birth of the single currency, continuation of the treaty of Nice, 2001 is an European year. To scrutinise the future of the young European Union requires the knowledge of the roots of the European identity. Indeed, this identity, always in future, is not only the result of contemporary decisions, but feeds in the fruits of multiple inheritances and ceaselessly recomposed. To investigate roots diversified by the european identity supposed an also diversified team. The Vice-chancellor Gérard François Dumont, the professor in Sorbonne, gathered twenty-two co-workers, of fifteen different nationalities, among whom one finds an European Commissioner, diplomats, geographers, historians, political analysts, ethnologists, philosophers... One guesses the importance of the work of stake in coherence, which makes work very pleasant to read while benefiting from the plurality of contributions.
After the general introduction, which presents an analysis, detailed with the context of the European identity, the first part of the book examines alternately the identities of various European countries, the german exception in british hesitancies. In the course of fifteen chapters, one discovers for example how much one can be really irish only in being european ; how the european marginality of Portugal returned, as for the benefit of this country, as in that of the group of the Union; that Netherlands are always Provinces United in their differences... No national identity is understandable without consideration of its weaving mill in the european identity. At the same time, european identity exists only through its national, regional and local identities. However, it is not it only sum. Therefore, the second part of the book puts in perspective the different surrounding areas of European identity : political, philosophic, historic, economic, socio-demographic, and socio-psychological, the geographic aspect having been treated in the general introduction. Every approach demonstrates its aptness. Certainly, greek political contribution is not controversial, but it is important to understand how it can almost disappear, such a subterranean river, before spattering as source. On the other hand, it was not, a priori, evident to find in Europe a demographic specificity. Now the dynamics of populating, throughout the second millennium, implies well an identity.
In conclusion, Gérard François Dumont proposes twelve marks, by insisting notably on the cultural dimension of the identity, and on its permanent dynamics : identity is at the same moment inheritance and project, always to discover, to invent, to reinvent.
In the foreword, the last President of the European Parliament, José Maria Gil-Robles there Gil-Delgado, summarises the central demonstration of the book : european identity is at the same moment the common collection of the various identities which live on our continent and the result of interactions among these last ones. Europe that would not understand such an education would be illusion and so disappointment. Where from the importance to take into account the roots of the european identity so that the future means hope.
* Gérard François Dumont and alii, "The roots of the european identity", introduction from José Maria Gil-Robles there Gil-Delgado, President of the European Parliament, Economica, Paris, 396 p, 149 F ( 22,70 Euro).
Published by Economica ; 49, street Héricart, 75015 Paris. Telephone : 01 45 78 12 92 and 01 45 79 93 56, fax 01 45 75 05 67.
Do you know Intelligence and Security ?
Intelligence and Security brings a new reading of the geopolitical current events. Under the shape of a confidential letter of eight pages, Intelligence and Security deals in a incisive way and informed about international questions, deciphers the big stakes in a paradoxical world, where forming and dislocations of groups accelerate, and where the questions of security and balance can not be resolved any more by the east-west binary opposition. It notably announced, with an advance of 45 days, the implementation of special operations in Chechnya. More than ever, Intelligence plays a major role, although officially cold war is ended. The bet of this young review is to treat current events the French press is not capable any more of making it : by removing the fact of the comment and by releasing the analysis of the cliché or the irrational. The last important conflicts of the Golf and ex-Yugoslavia gave the proof of the superficial character and treated by the information. They also demonstrated the major importance of what the Anglo-Saxons name "Infowar" ; domain in which France, maybe by "cultural exception" took a disturbing delay. Intelligence and Security gave a detailed analysis of the affair of Kaliningrad's missiles, the perfect example of the talent of "propagandist" contemporary.
In every number, the reader will find of numerous brief for a calibrated and fast information, more deepened articles, which review the NMD, Europe of the defence, new relations between China and the United States. Files allow to review questions as the Rung network, the system of the Swiss information, the cleaning of the dirty money, the sales of weapons from Russia, etc. ... The reader discovers to it as well as corses and intentions of the actors of international relations, as they are diplomats, servicemen, and politicians, people of networks and influence or members of intelligence. Here is an outline of what offers you Intelligence and examining closely security all which touches the universe of the Information, at present unique in the french-speaking media landscape.
Intelligence and Security, confidential letter of monthly information. 5, street Claude Pouillet 75017 Paris, phones and fax : 01.47.64.04.45 mail to : firstname.lastname@example.org.
12 months : metropolitan France : 1200 francs. DOM-TOM : 1 300 francs. Foreigner : 1400 francs. Researchers and students : 600 francs.